Anwar Zada Gulyar
The demand for new provinces in Pakistan is not merely a political slogan; it is an important national question linked to administrative efficiency, equitable distribution of resources, political representation, and the development of underdeveloped regions. With a growing population, vast geographical areas, and limited access to basic services in remote regions, the debate has gained renewed significance: Is the existing provincial structure sufficient to meet the needs of the people, or does Pakistan need additional administrative units? This question is particularly important in the context of the merged districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Orakzai, Kurram, North Waziristan, and South Waziristan were incorporated into the province through the 25th Constitutional Amendment in 2018.
The main potential advantage of creating new provinces is that government can be brought closer to the people, decision-making can become faster, development projects can be designed according to local needs, and remote areas can receive greater political and administrative representation. In a smaller administrative unit, it may be easier for the government to monitor education, healthcare, roads, electricity, employment, and other essential services. Likewise, each region can develop economic policies based on its own strengths in agriculture, minerals, tourism, industry, and cross-border trade. However, establishing a new province also means creating a new administrative structure, including an assembly, secretariat, departments, police, and other institutions, which could place an additional burden on the national exchequer. If provincial reorganization merely results in new offices and government positions, the public benefit will be limited while administrative costs will increase. Therefore, any decision to create new provinces should be based on population, geography, economic viability, administrative requirements, and public consent rather than emotions or political interests.
The case of the merged districts is unique because these areas have historically had a different administrative and political background from the rest of the province. The 2018 merger was a historic constitutional development, but practical integration remains an ongoing process. These districts continue to face major challenges in education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, industry, law and order, and cross-border trade. Therefore, the debate should not be limited to the question of which province these districts belong to; the real issue is how to provide them with effective authority, adequate resources, and equal opportunities for development.
If the proposal to establish a separate province comprising all seven merged districts is considered, its biggest advantage would be the creation of a government whose primary focus would be the problems and development needs of these areas. A dedicated budget, provincial assembly, and locally determined priorities could help promote education, healthcare, roads, industry, mining, agriculture, tourism, and cross-border trade through an integrated development strategy. The long border with Afghanistan could also provide these areas with significant future opportunities in legal trade, transit, exports, and border markets.
However, a separate province would also face serious challenges. The seven districts are geographically spread out: Bajaur and Mohmand are in the north, Khyber lies close to Peshawar, Kurram and Orakzai are in the central region, while North and South Waziristan are located farther south. Deciding where to establish the provincial capital and how to ensure effective access to government services across such a geographically diverse region would be major challenges. If all institutions were concentrated in a single city, the new province could develop the same kind of administrative centralization that provincial restructuring was intended to overcome.
Each district also has its own opportunities and challenges. Bajaur and Mohmand have significant potential in agriculture, minerals, regional connectivity, and border trade. Khyber has the potential to become a major commercial hub because of the Torkham border and trade with Afghanistan. Kurram has opportunities in agriculture, horticulture, tourism, and cross-border trade, while Orakzai has considerable potential in minerals and tourism. North and South Waziristan possess significant economic potential because of their large areas, mineral resources, border locations, and natural resources. At the same time, difficult terrain, weak infrastructure, past security challenges, unemployment, and limited industrial activity remain common challenges across these districts. Therefore, the success of any new province would depend not merely on changing the political map, but on substantial investment in infrastructure, peace, education, healthcare, employment, and economic activity.
Bajaur occupies a particularly important position because of its geographical location. Sharing a border with Afghanistan’s Kunar Province and being part of Malakand Division, Bajaur has strong links with Dir, Malakand, Mohmand, and other surrounding areas. If the merged districts remain part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, strengthening Bajaur’s regional and economic links with Malakand could offer practical benefits. However, if a separate province comprising the former tribal districts is established in the future, Bajaur could become an important northern economic center of the new province because of its border location, agricultural potential, trade opportunities, and geographical position.
The real solution, however, may not lie solely in creating new provinces but in transferring meaningful powers to the grassroots level. Even if a province is made smaller, ordinary citizens will continue to face difficulties if decision-making remains concentrated in the provincial capital. For the merged districts, empowered local governments, financial authority at the district and tehsil levels, special development packages, transparent resource distribution, and development planning based on local needs could produce more immediate results.
Therefore, the debate over new provinces in Pakistan should be viewed as an issue of administrative reform rather than political division. If a new province brings government closer to the people, ensures fairer distribution of resources, and empowers underdeveloped regions, it deserves serious consideration. But if it merely creates new assemblies, ministries, and government offices, it will become an additional burden on the national treasury. For the merged districts, the real question is not simply whether they should form a new province or remain part of the existing one. The real question is whether the system can provide the people of Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Orakzai, Kurram, North Waziristan, and South Waziristan with genuine access to peace, education, healthcare, employment, trade, infrastructure, resources, and political authority.
Ultimately, Pakistan needs a new style of governance more than new administrative maps. If government is brought closer to the people, resources are distributed transparently, and meaningful powers are devolved to the local level, even the existing administrative structure can become more effective. Without these reforms, however, new provinces may simply reproduce old problems under new names.
