by Muhammad Mohsin Iqbal
In the May of 2025, Pakistan confronted Indian aggression with a firmness that brought its neighbour sharply to its senses. The episode, brief yet decisive, marked a turning point not only on the battlefield but in the wider theatre of international affairs. While Indian forces reeled from a military reverse they had not anticipated, the United States President himself spoke repeatedly, on every global platform, of India’s defeat. In doing so, he lent official weight to a reality that New Delhi desperately wished to obscure. Pakistan, having prevailed in arms, moved with equal success upon the diplomatic front. Across the Gulf and in the capitals of Europe, Islamabad’s voice carried authority; India, by contrast, found itself scarcely noticed as a responsible actor.
Within India, the government of Narendra Modi faced criticism from every quarter. The Prime Minister Modi attempted, through a succession of public spectacles, to spin the narrative in his favour, yet no amount of ceremony could erase the stain of that crushing setback. At the very moment when Pakistan was extending its influence through measured statesmanship, fresh troubles erupted in the Gulf. Once again, Pakistan demonstrated its value to the region and to the world. Through patient persuasion directed at the Gulf states and the United States alike, Islamabad helped open channels of dialogue and played a central role in halting the drift toward wider conflict. The contrast with India could hardly have been starker. While Pakistan laboured to extinguish flames, New Delhi appeared content to watch them spread, consumed by its own jealousy and resentment. Even the American President, during a recent visit to China, openly acknowledged that it was at Pakistan’s urging that the war had been arrested. The admission only deepened Indian irritation.
Throughout these turbulent weeks, India’s questionable alignments became increasingly visible. Its willingness to inform Israeli interests of Iranian ship movements, and its tacit support for actions against Iran, placed it firmly on one side of a dangerous regional divide. Yet Iran, facing determined adversaries, emerged largely successful. The Islamic Republic dismantled much of the mischief that Israel, grown bold in its regional conduct, had sought to perpetrate. In such a climate, India’s attempts to insert itself into Gulf affairs met with little welcome. Pakistani diplomacy, rooted in conciliation rather than confrontation, ensured that doors remained closed to New Delhi’s overtures. When Israel found itself pressed by war, it turned once more to its established ties with the United Arab Emirates. India, excluded from the broader game, sought to deepen those same connections through Israeli cooperation, positioning itself as an indirect sympathiser of both states. Israel, alongside India, has also worked to widen differences among the Gulf countries, clearly aiming to shatter the unity of the Muslim Ummah. There exists, moreover, a real possibility that Israel itself may launch missile or drone attacks against Muslim nations in the region and then seek to lay the blame at the door of another Muslim state. Pakistani observers have noted these manoeuvres with due vigilance.
On this occasion, India may yet attempt further mischief by seeking to seduce the UAE into sending Pakistanis living there back to their homeland, offering in return to dispatch Indian skilled workers to fill the gap. Such designs, however, shall not succeed, God willing. In the midst of the Gulf crisis, Pakistan maintained open and cordial contact with every concerned nation. The Gulf states, in turn, expressed genuine appreciation for Islamabad’s efforts to restore peace. Pakistan’s conduct stood in honourable contrast to India’s. New Delhi, employing tactics both insidious and false, attempted to poison relations by claiming that when Iranian missiles struck UAE territory, Pakistan had sided with Iran and abandoned its old friend. Nothing could have been further from the truth. At every stage, Pakistan worked to dampen the fires of war while India, guided by narrow self-interest, strove only to feed them.
History itself testifies to the depth of Pakistan’s commitment to the United Arab Emirates. In the 1970s, it was Pakistani diplomacy and support that helped bring the separate emirates together into a single, stable federation. Pakistani expertise and labour contributed substantially to the remarkable development that followed. Those bonds remain strong and multifaceted. Today, as India pursues policies of division and mischief, Pakistan stands ready once more to counter them with the instruments of diplomacy and goodwill. The present leadership in Islamabad possesses both the vision and the capacity for such work.
In the United Arab Emirates, Pakistan is ably represented by Ambassador Shafqat Ali Khan, a seasoned diplomat who previously served as spokesperson for the Foreign Office and gained valuable experience in the National Assembly. His appointment reflects the seriousness with which Pakistan views this vital relationship. The ties between the two countries run deep, forged in shared history and mutual respect. At a time when the Muslim world faces numerous challenges, Pakistan continues to advocate for unity within the Ummah, urging brethren nations to rise above transient differences and stand together in dignity and strength.
The recent crises have illuminated a clear distinction. Pakistan has shown itself a force for stability, a nation willing to invest its prestige in the cause of peace. India, by contrast, has appeared driven by grievance and opportunism. As the dust settles across the Gulf and beyond, the international community would do well to reflect upon which country truly served the interests of regional harmony. Pakistan’s conduct has earned it respect; its future course, guided by the same principles, promises to reinforce that standing. In a fractured world, such consistency remains both rare and precious.
